Vichy France

shut up subhuman G*rmanoid

Part 1/12

At the beginning of my explanations, I’d like to deliver, not a conception but the idea that undoubtedly leads marshal’s Pétain policy during four years.

The Marshal’s policy was it: save, defend and obtain materials advantages, but often at the price of morals concessions. The Resistance had an opposite conception: it didn’t try to avoid immediate sacrifices. Continuing the fight, she saw, first, morals advantages. Perhaps would you find, in the contradiction of those two theses, a reason of the French drama about which I’ll talk later.

But, State’s life isn’t people’s one. If it’s a serious deal a person obtain or defend its material advantages at the price of morals concessions, in State’s life, things work differently. Moral concessions which could harm leader’s honor, it was he alone who assumed them. But materials advantages, who were they for? They were for the French people.

We told us: “Perhaps would it be better if he wasn’t a marshal of France”. Sirs, it actually had to be a marshal of France who only could assume such concessions, offer them in sacrifice, while advantages were for the French, that only them would benefit of them.

Also, Sirs, the second notion, I’d like to take it from a dialog that come across this bar between Sir Attorney General and Sir Léon Blum. Sir Léon Blum pleading the oath, thought the judiciary should have refuse. And Sir Attorney General to exclaim: “But, judiciary, which I give homage, saved number of french’s lives.” That’s true.

Sirs, the Attorney General is a goldsmith… If you had examine a chief of police, he would have said: “They had been mistakes; some have committed crimes; but the police itself saved number of French’s lives.”

If you asked all chief of administrations, all of those who’re head of institutions, they would all tell you the same thing: “We saved what we could in our domain which was ours.”

Part 2/12

How is marshal Pétain accused of having helped Germany?

I'll retain the two principles grievances: the Legion of French Volunteers and the Compulsory Work Service (STO).

Concerning the STO, I want to say that far from helping Germany, it's there that the action of the French government was the most efficient and the most protective.

Who would pretend that without the Government of marshal Pétain, they would've been no French worker in Germany?

When Germans asked for French workers, they were two solutions. First was to refuse in a brutal way, then Germans "served themselves" as they want. Second was to enter, in appearance, in the game of Germans and seek, by any means necessary, to stop their efforts, then, being in this game, hold the possibility of occupy workers, gone beyond our borders. Between these two solutions, the Government of the marshal chose.

I would like to bring you numbers, numbers more telling than any other argument.

What were Germans' exigencies? They've been, between the 5th of July 1942 and the 1st of August 1944, five demands. They've asked five slices of workers:

- First slice: 400'000 men.
- Second slice: 400'000 men.
- Third slice: 220'000 men.
- Fourth slice: 500'000 men.
- Fifth slice: 540'000men.

Which means in total, 2'060'000 men, and no counterpart.

Now, between the 5th of July 1942 and the 1st of August 1944, they were only 641'000 gone to German - only... you understand me - only 641'000 men, which means a few more than the quarter of Germans' demands and, in counterpart, the Government obtained, by the Relief - I'm not discussing the word - but during this same period where 641'000 workers were gone, France obtained the return of 110'000 prisoners and the transformation in free workers of 250'000 prisoners of war.

Part 3/12

Now, there is an important fact that happened nowhere but in France: not a woman - on the personal intervention of the marshal - not a woman leaved the French territory for the STO.

On the other hand, by the STO, the Government obtained that these burden not only weighed on labors. An amount of young bourgeois shared with the labors the hardness of factories' work, perhaps in an insufficient way. But do you believe that if Germans take themselves the workers they need, they would have chose men whom, by their formation, were unable to give the services they wanted?

So that by the way the Government slowed down the departures to Germany, only a quarter of German's exigencies were satisfied; while 80% of Belgium's labor class were gone, the proportion in France is 16%.

Isn't it a result you must keep in mind at the moment of your deliberate? Mustn't you think that by the action of the marshal, while we claimed two millions of French, 600'000 only were gone? Mustn't you think that while we were asking for women, all women of France who wanted it stayed in their home?

There is, in occupy France, a unique phenomenon: it is the only country which didn't knew, in 1944, more nationals in Germany than they were in 1940. With the return of prisoners - 700'000 - a compensation happened no other occupy country had benefit. They were two millions of French, in 1940, in Germany. In 1944, they were always two millions French.

Part 4/12

We blamed the marshal a lot for having say, during a speech, that they worked for France. Sir Attorney General saw in it a cruel irony. Don't we see in it irony!... Those men, Sirs, were exiled. They were away from everything, isolated from their families, isolated from France. Don't you believe the one that represented for them Homeland, this one should address them a call: "Yet we think about you, you're not forsaken"? Should've he say to overwhelm them more in their loneliness and their works: "You work for the enemy"?

He said them: "You work for France". That was only a moral cheer.

And, these men, by going away, by accepting this exile, allowed others to stay; they helped French women to stay and, giving that, giving their hard sacrifice to France, it's indeed for our Motherland they've worked.

After the "humiliations", would you talk about the "persecutions"? I'll first talk about racial laws.

What was German's policy in occupied countries? Eliminate Jews from all kind of activity, whatever it could've been.

Would have been, in France, another policy? You know what was its cruelty. Do I need to remind it?

What policy's the marshal should've take against Jews? What he has done for others: try to rise a kind of screen between the provisory winner's exigencies, and those who should've been touch by these exigencies.

Does that mean anti-Semites existing in all countries didn't profit of circumstances to sketch a savage scalp-dance around those who were going to suffer? I know. But was the marshal responsible?

About racial laws, since you're charge of judging the marshal Pétain, alone, only one thing matters: what was his personal action.

Part 5/12

He enacted a law which forbidden some Jews from activities they exerted usually. He enacted a law which defined the Jew, that is undeniable. But this is him, in Council of Ministers, whom imposed the legal disposition providing exceptions in favor of veterans and their families.

It is him whom prevented wearing of the yellow star in free zone.

It is him, and it is him alone whom prevented the law about Sir Roussel talked, and which was about to expatriate all Jews whom acquired the French nationality since 1927 to be enforced.

It is him, to show you his state of mind, whom called Darquier de Pellepoix a torturer.

And, as I have only one concern, to be true, it is him whom confessed in front of shepherd Boegner, his afflicted-powerlessness in front of these atrocities he wasn't responsible for...

But the great unfairness, it's wanting to make marshal Pétain responsible for all these atrocities committed by Germans. The great unfairness, it's to mix the actions undertaken by Germans with the action undertaken by the marshal Pétain.

I am addressing, over you, to all Jews who suffered who today overwhelm the marshal. I ask them: It would be redone? Wouldn't you want that they were a free zone were you've found a provisory shelter, notwithstanding that marshal Pétain's rules applied?

Would you renounce to this free zone without the marshal Pétain? Would've you want that in this other part of France you would've to wear the yellow star?

I don't believe so.

Some object me: with marshal's policy, we indirectly delivered Jews to Germans by giving their names, their identities, their addresses.

No, no, that is not true! In all occupied countries - it is the same international law of occupation - it still exist a police in charge of internal order of the Nation.

Part 6/12

Remember the time. It was the time where we couldn't eat without alimentation card, where we were all, whatever was our rank, submit to a census, where the authority must know our identity. Germans could, with a simple poster on walls, require that Jews make them known. Those who encountered all risks by avoiding the census would've encounter them the same way. But, whatever happened, this census of Jews would've happened with the mediation of Germans, as it was by the mediation of the French police.

The marshal Pétain didn't deliver anyone. In front of the harsh law of the enemy, he only searched for a palliative.

It may had been better, but for him only, letting Germans do. There again, we did moral concessions in order to save, as far as possible, materials advantages which Jews would benefit.

I remember that, when the French law concerned a Jew, we were all using this law to take him out from the Germans. You know well, Sirs magistrates, some of your colleagues whom, with us, with the help of the prosecutions, did this savior labor. But if we hadn't the French law to invoke in front of the Germans, they would've been on their own, and Jews totally deliver to Germans.

I know, Sirs, that comparisons with countries we don't know have something, sometimes, of misleading and of arbitrary but I can't stop myself to give these numbers, collected in press:

On 5'500'000 Jews who lived in Poland in 1939, 3'400'000 were slaughtered by the nazis. In Warsaw, 5'000 only, on the 400'000 had survived. Whatever had been the pain of French Jews - I do not talk about individuals pains, but collectives pains - does the proportion of their sorrow is as great as the one of Jews of Poland? I don't think so. It is only the action of the marshal's government which, maybe weakly, but protected them still.

Part 7/12

And I come to what may bother some of you the more: the marshal and the Resistance, the marshal and the bush.

Sirs of the Resistance, I'm turning especially to you. Do not wait from me - that would be unworthy from us - do no wait from me that I make a distinction between the good and the bad bush. I let that to others. I think that, if there is criticizes to address to the bush, only those who participated in it are allow to do so. I think, in my opinion, that one of the wonderful phenomenon of the bush of the Resistance, it's to have make, from opposed French, brotherly French, because they suffered the same pain, the same hopes traversed them and a same victory crowned their sacrifices. I think that the Resistance, it is a sign of the vitality of a people: I think that the Resistance, it is its will to survive. Why would you the one who was of the most glorious French soldiers to have been against this Resistance?

Paul Valéry said at the Academy, speaking to the marshal Pétain:

"Sir, you had, at Verdun, assumed, ordered, embodied this immortal Resistance !... Oh! I know well what's the screaming of your consciences; you remember the police who chased you, you remember the militia who fought you, and if you, who're judges, you do not scream for vengeance, I know some of yours who suffered terribly and who, them, scream for vengeance."

But I would try to make you understand what was the attitude of the marshal about you, what was his real attitude, not as the head of the State, but the one of the man.

Part 8/12

The marshal lived all his life in the army. I sincerely believe that his intimate thoughts get to the secret army. I sincerely believe that he wasn't, by his intellectual dispositions, attainable to this movement which was a popular spurt came from the depths of the Nation. He thought of the clandestine weapons, he thought about the army of Africa. He may've not the necessary state of mind to think about your action. There's especially a consideration of fact: from the moment where the Resistance became active, where it entered the fight with more strength, going from the preparation network to the fight activity, then, already, you know it, the marshal didn't govern: he had delegate his power of head of the government and lived in a kind of silent zone which the tragic character doesn't escape us when we think this silent zone surrounded he who had, in name, the supreme responsibility... I know some of his office's members were in contact with your organizers, but it was nonetheless deformed that the echo of your action came to him.

I plead with a total loyalty, I plead sincerely; don't doubt of what I say. In Montrouge's fort, I've often talked to the marshal of the Resistance. He knew it, surely, but if you knew how he was mistaken about the reality of your action!... It is indisputable that some men came to him, that them, had political motivations and put on the bush's shoulders what were only exceptional actions committed by other or which benefited from the disorganization of the Motherland. It is true. But, in his heart, he who was, since Verdun, as said Valéry, the embodiment of the eternal Resistance, could've been against you?

Part 9/12

Finally, Sirs, you must know about a document: it is the letter of the marshal Pétain to Pierre Laval about the militia. This letter, it is belated, I know it, I don't hide you anything. But it follows numbers of protestations. Let me, Sirs, read the principles extracts to you:

"Unacceptable and heinous facts are daily reported to me and I'll quote you some examples... Proofs of collusion between the militia and the German's police are daily reported. Denouncements, deliveries of French prisoners to the authorities of the German's police have been reported to me several times and by the higher departmental authorities. I had examples from peoples of my circle. I insist on the regrettable effect product on the populations who can, sometimes, understand arrests lead by Germans, but would never find any excuse to the fact that French deliver their own countrymen to the Gestapo and work together with them." Here is the prophetic protestation that the marshal Pétain address solemnly to Pierre Laval. Here are the real intimates feelings of the marshal Pétain.

I still have in the ear the scream coming from this side of the High Court. One of the judges cried: "And our dead!"

Those dead, believe me, we cried them together.

But other French died, them too, under German's bullet and whom, at the moment of dying screamed: "Long live the marshal!"

I have a touching letter, writing to his dad by a young boy, almost a child, the day before he died, the day before the ordeal Germans would inflict him.

"I know the terrible blow that it will do to you and I ask you for pardon. And if it can comforts you, I will make sure you'll be proud of me. I intend to die courageously, proudly, as a true French, and do honor to my country. It is the last and only thing that I could've do to you. You must know and repeat that my last word will be: "Long live to the marshal! Long live to France!"

Part 10/12

Oh! If men died under Germans' bullets screaming: "Long live to the marshal!" don't you think that they did the same fight as you? If men were deported, suffered screaming: "Long live to the marshal!" don't you think they did the same fight as you? You ignored yourselves often, collided sometimes. But the deep feeling which made your hearts beat, which made you spread your blood, don't you think it was the same? However, while you were inhabited by this common feeling while you scarified for a common ideal, we are now in presence of what we can call the French drama.

This drama, what does it exist? And this is your to unravel it.

Part 11/12

I delivered you the thought of the marshal. I delivered you his action. I remembered you that those men who died as yours but who, them, screamed: "Long live to the marshal!" I deeply believe, I am convicted that you all took the fight. Now, you may have come to the more solemn hour of the French justice. You've made dead talking. You called to the bar the testimony of those who were persecuted. You revived the memory of the captives, in my turn I call to your bar the memory of the livings, those who were released, those who were protected. You heard the voice of the men who were gone; let me hear those of the women who stayed. May they all come together, may they form a procession to the marshal and at their turn protect the one who protected them. But if, despite everything I've said, despite the feeling of truth which is inside me, you should follow Attorney General in his ruthless requisitions, if it is the death that you pronounce against the marshal Pétain, well then! we'll lead him. But I tell you, wherever you are, now, even on the other side of the world, you'll be all present. You'll be present, Sirs the magistrates, wearing your red dress, your ermines and your oaths. You'll be present, Sirs the parliamentarians, when the delegation that the people gave you of his sovereignty will end. You'll be present, Sirs the delegates of the Resistance, when this people would still have not devoted you to be its judges. You'll all be there! And you'll see, deep inside your distress souls how die this marshal of France whom you'd condemn. And the great pale face would never leave you... And I talk about it, this tragic, this inhuman spectacle of the most illustrious old man link to the column of the martyr, I talk about it only to make you consider the weight of your sentence.

No, no, we shouldn't hope clemency from another. If clemency is in justice, it must be first in your consciences.

Part 12/12

Just think of the face that would give to France around the world such an horror and think that the disappointed people would hit his chest.

But, I know, such words are vain, superfluous. Screaming of hate, overflowing passions, outrages without measure had expire at the door of your courtroom and it is, finally, the hour of the sovereign justice.

We await it, sure of all the sacrifices granted. We await it with the serenity of the just. We await it as a sign of reparation. We await it also with all memories of our long History, its splendors and its miseries, its agonies and its resurrections.

Yes, at this very minute, all these memories rise irresistibly in us, as they should rise in yourselves and form the image of the eternal Motherland.

Since when our people opposed Geneviève, protectress of the city, to Jeanne who freed the ground? Since when, in our memory, do they slaughter each other, forever irreconcilables? Since when, to French hands being held, other French hands stubbornly refused?

Oh my Country, victorious and at the edge of the abyss! When will it cease to flow this blood more precious since we know they're only brothers left to spread it? When will it cease, the discord of the Nation?

At the very moment where peace spread all over the world, the noise of weapons hushed and Mothers begin to breathe, ah! May the peace, ours, civil peace avoid our holy land to bruise again!

Magistrates of the High Court, listen to me, hear my call. You are only judges; you only judge a man. But you hold in your hand the destiny of France.

(You)
(You)
(You)
(You)
(You)
(You)
(You)
(You)
(You)
(You)
(You)
(You)

Pleading by J. Isorni in front of the High Court of Justice, 14th of August 1945.

Pétain was finally found guilty of the charges hold against him and sentenced to death. However the Court asked for the condemnation not the be fullfill. General De Gaulle Finally commuted his sentence to a perpetual detention.

Hope my translation is good enough to be understand. Sorry for the mistakes.

short term political gain and a long term gamble

>implying French need G*rmanoid to be racist

Go prep some newly arrived refugees, dear Arier

French Army defeated, bongs fled. What was this guy or any other going to do? They can lead as puppets, or they can go home and watch less capable puppets lead. Particularly after the bongs slaughtered French sailors at Mers el Kabir, there didn't appear to be any upside or choice. They had to make do.

FISH FISH PASTA PASTA

FISH FISH PASTA PASTA