What's some quintessential NAZBOL lit?

With Russian National Unity, a traditional reactionary conspiracy-seekers.

being trans is literally the opposite of being cis. you can't be both... unless you're genderfluid or something then maybe it changes based on your sexe du jour.

just fyi

Mira Markovic's memoirs
balkaninsight.com/en/article/milosevic-s-widow-publishes-lifetime-memoirs-09-30-2015

Anyone know of some good Marxist critic of National Bolshevism?

I'm well aware of that, it's precisely what made the situation so ridiculous to begin with. The logic was that if that FtM's wishes are to be respected, "he" should be treated as any other white heterosexual male and therefore excluded for being majoritarian.

Francis Parker Yockey - Imperium

that is odd. you would think that radfems might do something like that, but then they'd have to take in MtFs which.. they don't do.

'social justice' is retarded

>Defects from the USSR
>sucks off a black dude for a hotdog
> leeches off the american taxpayer
>shoots up heroin
>complains unceasingly about bitch exwife and women in general

is this what Nazbol is really about?

Read this. It has everything you need to know about actual, original, German national bolshevism.
niekischtranslationproject.wordpress.com/

There's a nice sociological article comparing both parties (for those who have always boasted here they studied Russian):
arzamas.academy/materials/939

> In the end, my thesis turned out a comparison of two collectives, RNE, with which I dealt more, and Limonov's NBP, with which I dealt less. Both used nationalistic rhetoric to some extent, and both acknowledged each other as nationalists. In reality, their positions in that social dimension directly opposed each other: RNE saw itself as a stronghold of militaristic virtues, while NBP saw itself as bohemians. NBP's cultivated belief that all power should belong to the artists, and politics is first and foremost an aesthetic self-expression directly opposed RNE's one. Their self-image worked well for students with romantic mindset who had read their fill of Céline — or Limonov himself — but never had any effect on RNE's community. They were divided by class boundary. While Limonov and Barkashov considered each other allies for some time, their parties never did anything together, and didn't get along because they were nor interested in each other, and people on the ground rejected each other. Privately, NBP members described the other party as dumb disciplinarians you couldn't reason with. RNE side was sure Limonov supporters were all over homosexuals, and educated, and very likely Jewish in bulk. Spontaneous rejection was much stronger than formal political attachment.

> — Were there any similarities between RNE and NBP?

> Style predominated ideology in both, though for different reasons: in one case, people who were not so good with words reached out to public who was also not good with words, and it was meant to show that they did the real thing, steering clear from wish-wash. NBP had people who were, in some sense, too good with words, and they wanted to demonstrate they could play with them as they liked. Ideologically, NBP was as piecemeal as RNE, but, in contrast to it, admitted that fact with ease. They declared they accepted all non-liberals: eco-anarchists, gramschians, new right traditionalists, fascists, stalinists — everyone who was against liberals was their kind of guy. Where RNE was somehow uncomfortable of its own sketchness, NBP proudly showed its own off. Both demonstrated that they reject boring bourgeois model of political market in which politician businessmen make contracts with their voters, having obligations from their political programs to fulfill, but they rejected it quite differently.

> Each party used Nazi attributes, but incorporated them into absolutely unrelated symbolic ranges. RNE used it to form a kind of interpretive alliance with journalists. Barkashov was quite able to keep himself in the centre of attention of mass media. Journalists are naturally interested in hot topics, and any kind of political threat is a very good topic. Both RNE and journalists who had zero sympathy for Barkashov were interested in showing as menacing picture as possible, thus making the public a victim of media exaggeration, and this is where enormous estimates of Barkashov's power that contradicted the humble number of his direct supporters came from. At the same time, crowd of potential supporters of RNE got exactly the message they needed. On the one hand, everyone saw that liberals trembled because of them (which was much better than Barkashov making a statement about that tremble from a TV screen). Moreover, RNE needed to have its members shown — recall that they rested upon visual images more than on verbal messages — and you can't make a report without an image. That they were not given an opportunity to talk was likely an advantage, as they did not need to articulate a platform that could scare someone. On the other hand, that was a kind of tactical compromise for RNE, because journalists explicitly marked the institution as fascist, and most of potential supporters were not quite ready to call themselves that. That's why on weekends of March 1999 regular talks near Park Pobedy station had these obligatory lines: “Are you really fascists?” — “No, the democrats are smearing us because they are afraid, and the more afraid they are, the more they smear us”.

> In contrast with RNE, NBP used Nazi symbolism purely aesthetically: their flag resembled NSDAP flag, but instead of swastika its white circle on red background had a sickle and a hammer. The emblem was clearly post-modern and ironic, and none of the other nationalists truly believed them to be such. At the time a certain cult of RNE formed, Limonov's supporters would want to be more like Barkashov's supporters and cultivated the resolute, battle-ready, and radical self-image, but the violence part didn't work out. There was a story about nazbols knocking heads with barkashovtsys and getting their ass kicked, actually, there was multiple such stories. But the newspaper nazbols published was fun. That was before Youtube, they would have a total success on Youtube if it existed. In general, they, along with RNE, had a defined style of political action, a theatrical actions instead of presentation of concealed military power and readiness.

Also, an interesting point is made that most of “racists” of RNE were not, strictly speaking, antisemites, as they used “Jews” as an euphemism for members of cultural and educational community — the intelligentsia — who supposedly occupied “easier” and higher paid jobs in civil sector, and were in general critical of Soviet system.

I'm gonna start referring to myself as a transwoman in order to get my hands on some of those sweet gibmedats and victim points. The fact that I have a full beard and behave like a total bro is in fact a sophisticated meta subversion of gender norms that makes me more oppressed and progressive than all other trans* people. could I pull it off?

>German
>bolshevism
isn't this an oxymoron?

you just have to start crying and screaming whenever someone argues with you irl, and you also have to be a cancerous and fake bitch on social media with a decent amount of followers and a few relevant "friends" who is willing to throw daggers whenever.

krauts invented marxism and part of their country was a socialist state until recently

nah, strasserism is more like it
although even then it's more of an aesthetic influence, although doug is definitely a nationalist